441. Eight Million Deaths a Year: A History of the Cigarette

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I was a closet smoker for a decade. I mostly did it at the end of the day, in the car on my way home from work, and occasionally on climbing trips. I sometimes took a small chip of clonazepam at the same time to de-stress, for in those days, I was a clonazepam addict. You can read my post about that here. It wasn’t easy to quit smoking, even though most days I only had four cigarettes.

When I developed early Parkinson’s, the naturopaths I consulted asked me about my smoking to determine the mercury I had been exposed to. Their consensus was that although cigarettes played a part, it was primarily due to my 17 mercury amalgams, which were removed around 2023. Unfortunately, mercury has a multi-decade half-life in the body, and it has been and remains resident in my brain. I have taken NBMI for 18 months, which was phenomenally expensive and, according to all reports, binds mercury and other heavy metals, rendering them inactive.

Summary

● Tobacco kills eight million people a year worldwide. Roughly 1.2 to 1.3 billion people still use it, and 80 percent of them live in low- and middle-income countries where the regulatory pushback that worked in the developed world has not landed.

● The science indicting cigarettes was clear by 1950 and absolute by 1964. The tobacco industry knew earlier than the public knew and ran a coordinated denial campaign for over forty years, complete with sworn testimony in Congress that nicotine was not addictive while their internal documents called nicotine “an addictive drug.”

● The cigarette is the most efficient nicotine delivery device ever engineered. Industry chemists used ammonia chemistry to free-base nicotine, increased the dose per puff, and tuned the burning rate for the precise pharmacokinetics that produce dependence. The product is not a leaf rolled in paper. It is a pharmaceutical.

● Nicotine is the addictive driver and a serious cardiovascular toxin, but the carcinogens that kill smokers are mostly the tar, the combustion products, the heavy metals, and a radioactive alpha-emitter called polonium-210 that the industry knew about for decades and tried unsuccessfully to remove. The popular claim that nicotine is the worst chemical in tobacco is not correct.

● US adult smoking has fallen from 42.4 percent in 1965 to 9.9 percent in 2024, the first time below ten percent. The decline is the largest sustained public-health win in modern American history. The decline outside the developed world is much slower and in some places is reversing.

● Claims that nicotine patches cure Parkinson’s disease, most prominently from the chiropractor Bryan Ardis, are not supported by the clinical trial record. The pattern of smokers having lower Parkinson’s rates is real, but it is an epidemiological signal that has not translated into a treatment effect when nicotine alone is given as a patch.

An Introduction to the Psychopaths

If you think that all of this smoking-related death and health destruction was generated by greed alone, you are as naive as a small child. For the background to this, read my post 387: WHY IS THE CRIMINAL CASE AGAINST THE GLOBAL PSYCHOPATHS IGNORED? Even the sophisticated have trouble believing that the globalists are culling the population. They intend to only leave a small herd of compliant fools with confused thinking and poor health. The following is a reproduction of the beginning of the above post.

On the nature of denial

Most people go through life like third-world garbage dogs. Both of these groups think they know the world. They eat anything they find, think only of themselves, and strut about as if they own the city. Since these dogs and these people DFL and DFR (don’t f****ing listen or read), they categorically refuse to believe that anyone wants to poison them.

Most people are as trusting as dogs—at least when it comes to medical care. When they get a Covid shot and become chronically sick or are even dying, they hold to the idea that it was random chance and not a conspiracy.

In the Caribbean, Gramoxone (paraquat) is sometimes used to kill packs of feral dogs. The animals never believe humans are out to get them, even after they eat tuna laced with it and are in their death throes. They vanish and are replaced by stench—I know; I have seen it.

Color detail: Paraquat is also used by East Indian men in these cultures to commit suicide. Their passions run hot, so they do this at twice the general population’s rate. It is a nasty but quick death by asphyxiation. I know. As an emergency physician, I took care of a similar poisoning when a hobo entered a building that was tented and fumigated with sulfuryl fluoride to kill termites. His lungs filled with fluid, and I can still see the lice in the seams of his clothes.

I am repeatedly shocked by the number of people I know who have no idea about the poisoners. Normies—and even some readers of Surviving Healthcare—lack the strength to look this evil in the eye and fully understand it. Jim Arnold explains: “They just cannot fathom how bad it all is.” My other editor, Elizabeth Cronin, says, “The population is hypnotized not to question what is before their eyes.” What’s happening is too dark and irrational to be just about money.

Even sophisticated Substack authors struggle to believe the truth.

RFK has had to go slow with educating the public about Pharma and the “vaccines” because if he spent an hour and summarized the whole story, the purchased media and those in denial would successfully brand him as a lunatic. He must release the information over time so the populace can adjust. The ones who manage to wake up are going through a detox process—many get worse before they get better. I know; I have been through it.

Very few people can believe our reality, but it has been boring a hole in my mind for years.

So I am compelled to present the case as if we were in a courtroom. You, my trusted jury, will find and declare after weighing the evidence that we can never again say, “mistakes were made.”

The overwhelming circumstantial evidence against the globalists is plenty to convict them. Many criminal prosecutions rely heavily, if not entirely, on this type of data, and it can carry the same legal weight as direct evidence. In many cases, such as white-collar crime, conspiracy, or cases without witnesses, circumstantial evidence is the primary evidence. Legal scholars agree that this can be as reliable as, or even more reliable than, direct evidence such as eyewitness testimony, which has known reliability issues.

However, we do not have to rely on this; more compelling are the thousands of unsolicited, spontaneous confessions by the defendants admitting their intent and guilt over the past century. My post about that is: 317. WHO ARE “THEY” AND WHAT ARE THEY DOING? Their crimes are not rape, armed robbery, or manslaughter; these people are guilty of the purposeful genocide of millions.

We also have mountains of documentary information, such as the Pfizer papers, which provide undeniable evidence of a vast conspiracy. To read the rest of this, click the link above.

Back to our topic: Tobacco kills about eight million people each year worldwide

About 1.3 million of them are non-smokers exposed to secondhand smoke. The total dwarfs HIV, malaria, and every other infectious disease. The diseases the cigarette produces are preventable, the cessation pathway is well-understood, and the industry that produces the dying is profitable and still expanding into the parts of the world where the regulatory pushback that worked in the United States is absent.

The pattern of harm, denial, regulatory capture, geographic displacement, and eventual partial accountability is the template for many other industries built around a slow-acting poison that has followed since. Tobacco is the original. Sugar-sweetened beverages, ultra-processed foods, opioids, and the captured pharmaceutical regulatory complex all draw on the playbook the cigarette industry wrote beginning in the 1950s. The reader who understands the cigarette century understands a great deal about how the next captured industry will operate.

From the leaf to the machine

Tobacco is native to the Americas. The indigenous populations of what would become North, Central, and South America used the leaf for ceremonial and medicinal purposes for thousands of years. Pipe smoking, snuff, and ceremonial inhalation were the principal forms. The pharmacological dose was low, and the use was occasional. The plant was not a daily commodity.

European contact in the late fifteenth century brought tobacco back across the Atlantic, where it spread quickly through the courts of Spain, Portugal, France, and England in the sixteenth century. Jean Nicot, the French ambassador to Portugal who gave nicotine its name, championed the leaf as a medicine in the 1560s. By the seventeenth century, smoking and snuff were established habits among European elites. Pipe smoking and cigars dominated. The cigarette as a mass product did not yet exist.

The transformation came in 1881. James Bonsack, a Virginian, patented a machine that could mechanically roll cigarettes at around 200 per minute, replacing skilled hand-rollers who could produce at most 4 cigarettes per minute. James Buchanan Duke bought the rights to the machine, founded the American Tobacco Company, and within a generation had built one of the largest industrial monopolies in the United States. The cigarette, until that point a minor product compared to cigars and chewing tobacco, became cheap, plentiful, and addictive enough to displace its predecessors.

The cigarette boom required only one more ingredient to become the cause of the deadliest legal product in history, and that ingredient was the lung. Cigar smoke is harsh and is held in the mouth. Pipe smoke is similar. Cigarette smoke, milder and lower in pH, is engineered to be inhaled deep into the alveoli, where the nicotine reaches the bloodstream and the brain within seconds. The smoke also carries the tar, the combustion products, and a catalog of other compounds. The cigarette century began with smoke inhaled on an industrial scale. The disease record began shortly after.

Annual US cigarette consumption rose from a few billion in 1900 to around 200 billion by 1940 and around 600 billion by the mid-1960s. The disease curve followed with a lag of two to three decades. Lung cancer, almost unheard of before 1900, became the leading cancer killer in American men by the 1950s. The numbers were not a coincidental.

What was known, when, and what was hidden

The first solid epidemiological link between smoking and lung cancer appeared in 1950. Two papers, one by Richard Doll and Austin Bradford Hill in Britain, and one by Ernst Wynder and Evarts Graham in the United States, established the association in case-control studies that no honest reading of the data could dismiss. The 1954 follow-up by Doll and Hill of British doctors, in which the researchers tracked the lifetime smoking habits and mortality of nearly 40,000 physicians, demonstrated the dose-response curve directly. More cigarettes meant more lung cancer, more heart disease, more chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD), and more death.

The industry response was the Frank Statement of 1954, a full-page advertisement placed in 448 American newspapers by the major tobacco companies. The Statement promised cooperation with health research, denied that any causal link between smoking and disease had been established, and announced the creation of the Tobacco Industry Research Committee, which the companies presented as an independent scientific body but which functioned as a public-relations operation to muddy the scientific record. The Frank Statement was the opening move in what would become forty years of coordinated denial.

The 1964 Surgeon General’s report, commissioned under Luther Terry and released in January of that year, was the official US scientific verdict. The report concluded that cigarette smoking caused lung cancer in men, was a probable cause of lung cancer in women, was associated with chronic bronchitis and emphysema, and was associated with cardiovascular disease. The Surgeon General’s conclusions were not novel. The science had been clear for over a decade. The official imprimatur made denial politically harder for the companies.

Denial continued anyway. The tobacco companies maintained for the next thirty years that the causal link was not established, that nicotine was not addictive, and that they were committed to scientific inquiry into the question. The denial reached its most theatrical moment on April 14, 1994, when the chief executives of the seven largest US tobacco companies appeared before the House Subcommittee on Health, chaired by Representative Henry Waxman of California, and testified under oath. Representative Ron Wyden of Oregon asked each one in turn whether he believed nicotine was addictive. Each one said no. The clip of the seven executives standing in a row, swearing under oath to a proposition their own internal documents contradicted, became one of the iconic images of corporate dishonesty in the twentieth century.

The internal documents contradicting them were already accumulating. Jeffrey Wigand, the former vice president for research at Brown & Williamson, became the most consequential whistleblower in the industry’s history when he sat down with Mike Wallace on 60 Minutes in 1996 and described his former employer’s knowledge of nicotine manipulation and chemical addiction engineering. The Mississippi attorney general, Mike Moore, obtained the Brown & Williamson document trove through a paralegal named Merrell Williams, including a 1963 memorandum from the company’s general counsel describing the company as in the business of “selling nicotine, an addictive drug.” The state’s attorney general lawsuits that followed led to the Master Settlement Agreement of 1998, which made millions of pages of internal documents public. The archive, now housed at the University of California, San Francisco, as the Truth Tobacco Industry Documents, is the single most damning record of coordinated industrial dishonesty in the history of American commerce.

What the documents show, in summary, is that the major tobacco companies knew by the 1950s that their product caused lung cancer, knew by the 1960s that nicotine was addictive in the same chemical sense as opioids and cocaine, knew by the 1970s that secondhand smoke was hazardous to non-smokers, knew by the 1980s that the cigarette could be engineered for higher addiction efficiency, and concealed each of these findings from the public while their public-relations and legal apparatus produced four decades of denials in advertisements, press releases, congressional testimony, and litigation. The denial was not negligence. It was a strategy. The internal documents say so.

The cigarette is a delivery device

The most important fact about the modern cigarette, and the one that ties the history together, is that the cigarette is a pharmaceutical product engineered for addiction. The leaf alone does not produce dependence at the rate or efficiency that the modern cigarette does. The engineering came from the tobacco industry chemists working steadily through the second half of the twentieth century.

The principal trick is the chemistry of nicotine itself. Nicotine in its protonated form, the form found in raw tobacco leaf, is absorbed slowly across mucous membranes. Nicotine in its free-base form crosses membranes much faster. Free-base* nicotine reaches the brain in around seven seconds after inhalation. The dopamine signal arrives in the brain’s reward centers fast enough that the pharmacological loop closes before conscious thought intervenes. The industry chemists figured out that ammonia compounds, added to tobacco during processing, would shift the nicotine into free-base form. The result was a cigarette that delivered nicotine to the brain with the speed of an intravenous injection. The customers got hooked faster, smoked more, and were harder to wean off the product.

*In chemistry, a “free base” is the neutral, non-ionized form of an amine (such as an alkaloid). In drug use, “freebasing” is a chemical process that isolates this pure base form of a drug so it can be smoked for a faster, more intense high, carrying severe addiction and overdose risks. (Wiki)

The engineering also worked at the agronomic level. Tobacco strains were selected for higher nicotine content. The leaf cuts used in cigarettes were chosen for their alkaloid concentration. The paper’s burning rate was tuned to deliver a consistent puff. The filters, marketed as health features, did not appreciably reduce the carcinogen load but did concentrate the nicotine in the inhaled smoke. The 1994 testimony from FDA Commissioner David Kessler described cigarettes as “high-technology nicotine delivery systems,” which was an understatement. The cigarette is one of the most refined drug delivery devices ever sold to the public, and the public was not told it was a drug.

The pharmacokinetic difference between a cigarette and a nicotine patch is worth holding in mind for the later section on Bryan Ardis and the Parkinson’s claims. The cigarette delivers nicotine in pulses, each puff hitting the brain in seconds and clearing within minutes, with the smoker self-titrating to maintain the desired blood level. The patch delivers nicotine slowly and steadily over hours. The two drugs are pharmacologically different despite containing the same active molecule. The receptor-level effects, cardiovascular effects, and dependence profiles differ between them. Anyone arguing that a patch is equivalent to a cigarette is arguing a pharmacological claim that does not withstand scrutiny in the literature.

What is in the smoke and what it does

Cigarette smoke contains over seven thousand identified chemical compounds. The mainstream tobacco-control literature lists at least sixty-nine of them as carcinogens. The relevant categories for the present discussion are nicotine, tar, combustion products, heavy metals, and radioactive isotopes.

Nicotine. Nicotine is an alkaloid with potent effects on the central and peripheral nervous systems. It is the addictive driver of the cigarette. It is also a cardiovascular toxin: it raises heart rate, raises blood pressure, constricts coronary arteries, promotes platelet aggregation, and accelerates atherosclerosis. The acute lethal dose of nicotine for an adult is somewhere between 30 and 60 milligrams orally, although the toxicology has been revisited in recent years, and the figure may be higher. The addictive dose is much lower and is delivered in the milligrams-per-cigarette range. Nicotine itself is not a strong direct carcinogen, despite the popular belief, but it promotes tumor growth indirectly through its effects on cell signaling and on the vasculature feeding tumors. The mainstream claim that the carcinogen burden of tobacco lies mostly outside the nicotine fraction is correct.

Tar. The dark, sticky condensate of cigarette smoke is a complex mixture of polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (benzopyrene is the famous one), N-nitrosamines, aromatic amines, aldehydes, and other small molecules produced when organic matter burns at high temperature in low oxygen. These are the principal direct carcinogens in cigarette smoke. They form DNA adducts in the cells lining the airways, they accumulate over years of exposure, and they drive the great majority of the cancer risk from smoking. The pack-a-day smoker inhales something on the order of a teaspoon of tar per day into his lungs. The lung clearance machinery, which evolved to handle dust and pollen, cannot keep up.

Carbon monoxide. The combustion of the cigarette produces carbon monoxide at concentrations of around four percent of the inhaled smoke. CO binds hemoglobin two hundred times more avidly than oxygen does. The cigarette smoker walks around with five to ten percent of his hemoglobin tied up as carboxyhemoglobin, and the rest is delivering oxygen worse than it should. The chronic oxygen deficit drives the cardiovascular damage almost as much as the nicotine does. CO also directly damages the endothelium, accelerating the atherosclerotic process.

Heavy metals. Tobacco leaves accumulate heavy metals from soil and from phosphate-rich fertilizers. The list includes cadmium, lead, arsenic, chromium, nickel, and mercury. Cadmium, in particular, concentrates in the kidneys and is one of the contributors to the elevated kidney and bladder cancer rates seen in smokers. The cumulative metal load over decades of smoking is enough to be detectable in bone, in the kidneys, and in the liver of long-term smokers at autopsy.

Polonium-210. The tobacco plant absorbs polonium-210, a radioactive alpha-emitting isotope, from the phosphate fertilizers used in commercial tobacco cultivation. The polonium concentrates in the trichomes (the fine hairs on the tobacco leaf), volatilizes when the cigarette burns, and ends up in the bronchial epithelium of the smoker, where the alpha radiation deposits energy in a short range with high biological effect. A pack-a-day smoker receives a radiation dose to his bronchial epithelium estimated at seven times the natural background rate, concentrated in the lung tissue where bronchogenic carcinomas arise. The estimated radiological dose is equivalent to roughly 300 chest X-rays per year. Polonium-210 was discovered to be in cigarette smoke by industry researchers in the late 1950s. Internal documents released after the Master Settlement Agreement show that the major tobacco companies attempted to remove the isotope from their product through leaf washing, fertilizer changes, and filter modifications, and that none of the methods worked at an acceptable cost. The companies suppressed the publication of their own research on the question for more than four decades.

Other compounds in the smoke include formaldehyde, acrolein, hydrogen cyanide, ammonia (deliberately added, as discussed above), benzene, butadiene, and a long list of aldehydes and ketones produced by the combustion of plant material and the additives the industry uses to control burn rate and flavor. The cumulative effect is a synergistic insult to the airway lining, the vascular endothelium, the kidneys, the bladder, and (through systemic delivery) every organ system the blood reaches.

The killing pattern

Cigarettes kill in three principal ways. Cancer, cardiovascular disease, and chronic obstructive lung disease. Each of them carries a smoking-attributable mortality that is now well-quantified.

Lung cancer is the signature disease. In the United States, around eighty to ninety percent of lung cancer deaths are attributable to smoking. The 5-year survival for metastatic non-small-cell lung cancer is in the single digits and has barely moved in fifty years of pharmaceutical effort.

Cardiovascular disease is the leading killer in absolute numbers. Smoking causes coronary heart disease, stroke, abdominal aortic aneurysm, and peripheral vascular disease. The smoker carries roughly twice the cardiovascular mortality of a non-smoker, and the smoker who quits begins seeing his risk fall within a year. The cardiovascular damage is, in the long run, the most reversible of the smoking insults. The cancer damage, once it has accumulated, is not.

Chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, the slow suffocation of emphysema and chronic bronchitis, is the third major killer. COPD now kills around 150,000 Americans a year, and the great majority of those deaths are attributable to smoking. The disease is irreversible. The damaged alveoli do not regenerate. The patient who quits stops the progression, but does not recover the lung function he has lost.

The smoking-attributable mortality in the United States is around 480,000 deaths per year, with another 41,000 attributable to secondhand smoke. The direct healthcare cost is estimated at $241 billion per year. Globally, the figure is around eight million deaths per year, with the great majority occurring in low- and middle-income countries. About a quarter of all cancer deaths worldwide are attributable to tobacco. Half of all people who smoke long-term will eventually die of a smoking-attributable disease. The life expectancy difference between a long-term smoker and a non-smoker is around ten years.

Filtered cigarettes and menthol cigarettes deserve a brief mention. The filter was introduced in the 1950s as a marketing response to the early cancer findings and was sold as a health feature. The filter did not appreciably reduce the disease burden. The compensatory deeper inhalation that filtered cigarettes encourage shifted lung cancer to a different histological pattern, with adenocarcinoma rising in incidence as squamous cell carcinoma fell. The total cancer rate did not fall. Menthol cigarettes, marketed disproportionately to Black Americans through targeted advertising, produce the same disease load as non-menthol cigarettes plus the additional concern that menthol’s anesthetic and bronchodilating properties make deeper inhalation easier and quitting harder.

Cigars, pipes, and the smokeless category

The categories of tobacco use other than cigarettes deserve separate treatment because the disease profiles differ in ways that matter for the reader who is considering switching among them.

Cigars produce a similar carcinogen mix to cigarettes, but are typically smoked without inhalation. The mortality pattern reflects this. Cigar smokers have four to ten times the risk of non-smokers of dying from oral cancer, esophageal cancer, and laryngeal cancer, but a smaller increase in lung cancer mortality than cigarette smokers. The overall cancer mortality among daily cigar smokers is roughly thirty-four percent above that of non-smokers. The daily cigar smoker is also at increased cardiovascular risk. The occasional cigar smoker who smokes a few cigars a month carries a much smaller burden, and the literature does not show a clear excess mortality at that level of use. The cigar that has become fashionable again as a luxury good is, at the use levels typical of cigar aficionados, less harmful than the cigarette habit it sometimes replaces, but it is not benign.

Pipe smoking produces a similar profile to cigar smoking. Oral and esophageal cancer risk is elevated. Lung cancer risk is elevated less than for cigarette smokers, because the pipe smoker typically does not inhale deeply. The same caveats apply.

Smokeless tobacco, including chewing tobacco, dipping snuff, and the more modern nicotine pouches, removes the combustion products but does not remove the nicotine, the carcinogenic nitrosamines, or the metals. Daily smokeless tobacco users carry roughly forty percent excess overall mortality, with disproportionately elevated rates of oral cancer (especially of the cheek and gum where the product sits), bladder cancer, and heart disease. The oral cancer risk is the signature finding: the meta-analysis by Gandini and colleagues showed a roughly 3.4-fold elevation in oral cavity cancer in cigarette smokers and a comparable elevation in chronic smokeless tobacco users. The product positioning of smokeless tobacco as a “harm-reduction” alternative to cigarettes is partly true (the lung-cancer load is lower) and partly false (the oral cancer load is the price).

Nicotine pouches, the modern industry’s pivot toward smokeless products, are the subject of an emerging clinical literature that is too preliminary to yield a definitive verdict. The cardiovascular concerns and the addiction profile carry over from the nicotine itself. The cancer profile, in the absence of the leaf and the combustion products, is likely lower than for any prior tobacco product. The harm-reduction case is real, but it is being made by an industry with a forty-year record of dishonesty regarding its own products. Skepticism is warranted.

Where the killing has moved

The decline in smoking in the United States is one of the public-health success stories of the second half of the twentieth century. The adult smoking rate has fallen from 42.4 percent in 1965 to 9.9 percent in 2024, the first year it has gone below ten percent. The decline is the cumulative product of the 1964 Surgeon General’s report, the FDA’s assertions of regulatory authority, the state attorney general lawsuits, the Master Settlement Agreement, the indoor smoking bans, the excise tax increases, and the sustained public education campaigns. The cessation of smoking has produced no comparable national celebration, which is itself a telling sign of how the American public-health establishment communicates: the largest single preventive-medicine win of the modern era arrived without ceremony and with the federal Office on Smoking and Health being eliminated in 2025, before the latest survey results could be officially released.

Europe is mixed. Smoking rates in the European Union have fallen but remain higher than in the United States. The WHO regional data put adult tobacco use in Europe at around 25 percent, second-highest of the six WHO regions. Smoking among European women, in particular, has fallen much more slowly than among American women. France, Germany, Italy, Spain, and Greece all carry smoking rates well above the US rate. The Netherlands and the United Kingdom have been more aggressive in reducing rates.

Asia is the global center of the cigarette industry. China alone consumes a third of the world’s cigarettes and operates the largest cigarette manufacturer on earth, the state-owned China National Tobacco Corporation. The smoking rate among Chinese adult males is around 50 percent and has barely budged in three decades. India, Indonesia, Bangladesh, and the Philippines carry comparable burdens, with smokeless tobacco adding to the disease load, especially in South Asia. Southeast Asia has the highest regional tobacco use rate in the WHO data, at 26.5 percent of adults.

The third-world reality is the part of the global picture that the developed-world reader is most likely to underestimate. The same multinational tobacco companies that have been driven to harm-reduction marketing and aggressive product diversification in the United States and Europe operate without serious restriction in much of Africa, Latin America, and Asia. Advertising bans that are routine in the developed world are absent or porous. Excise taxes are lower. Distribution is unconstrained. The companies are doing exactly what they did in the United States in the 1950s, in markets that lack both the regulatory infrastructure and the legal precedent to push back. The 80-percent share of global tobacco users who live in low- and middle-income countries is not a historical accident. It is the result of a deliberate corporate migration to markets where the playbook still works.

The settlement, the advertising restrictions, and the gap

The single most consequential legal event in the history of the American tobacco industry was the Master Settlement Agreement of November 1998. The settlement resolved Medicaid cost-recovery lawsuits brought by the attorneys general of forty-six states against the four largest US tobacco companies: Philip Morris, R.J. Reynolds, Brown & Williamson, and Lorillard. Two additional states had reached separate settlements before the master agreement. The companies agreed to pay the states approximately $206 billion over the first twenty-five years, with payments continuing in perpetuity at roughly $9 billion per year, tied to cigarette sales volume. The companies also agreed to substantial advertising restrictions: no targeting of youth, no outdoor advertising, no cartoon characters in cigarette ads, no brand-name sponsorship of concerts or sporting events with substantial youth audiences, no transit advertising, no branded merchandise. The companies also disbanded their trade associations and made millions of pages of internal documents public, producing the document archive that has been the foundation of subsequent tobacco-control research.

What the Master Settlement Agreement did not do matters more than what it did. It did not require the companies to admit that their products caused disease. It did not impose criminal penalties on the executives who had perjured themselves before Congress. It did not reduce cigarette production. It did not prevent the companies from continuing to operate profitably and at scale in markets where their products remained legal. The settlement was a financial penalty negotiated to avoid bankrupting the industry, not a moral reckoning. The companies have paid out the agreed sums, absorbed the costs through price increases (which the states partly offset as tax revenue), and continued to operate. The state governments, for their part, have spent only a small fraction of the settlement money on the tobacco-control and smoking-cessation programs the agreement was nominally designed to support, with most of the money going to general state budgets.

The international regulatory environment is more variable. The WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, opened for signature in 2003 and now ratified by 182 parties, covering over 90% of the world’s population, sets out a menu of policy measures, including tax increases, smoke-free environments, advertising bans, packaging warnings, and cessation support. The framework has produced real progress in the countries that have implemented it seriously. Implementation outside the WHO MPOWER (an acronym for the FCTC’s six policy categories) has been incomplete in most jurisdictions. The countries that have implemented MPOWER aggressively (Brazil, Turkey, the United Kingdom, Australia) have seen the largest declines in smoking. The countries that have not (Egypt, Indonesia, Jordan, Russia in places) have seen flat or rising rates.

Advertising regulation in the United States is now strict by international standards. Television and radio advertising of cigarettes has been banned since 1971. Print, billboard, and event-sponsorship restrictions are tight. Warning labels are mandatory and are becoming more graphic under the FDA’s evolving regulatory authority. In most of Europe, the situation is comparable. In most of the third world, advertising constraints are nonexistent, and the same brands that cannot be advertised on American television run billboard campaigns across Lagos, Manila, and Jakarta.

The size of the business

The global tobacco industry generated roughly $900 billion in retail revenue in 2024. The figure puts tobacco at roughly half the size of the global pharmaceutical industry, which generated approximately $1.7 trillion the same year. Tobacco is roughly twice the size of the global soft drinks industry, which is around $400 billion. The cigarette is, in raw economic terms, the largest single category within the world’s catalog of recreational poisons.

In 1995, the global tobacco market was roughly comparable in revenue to the global pharmaceutical market, with both in the $200-$300 billion range. The pharmaceutical industry has expanded six- to eight-fold since then, driven by aging populations, biologic drug pricing, and the patent extension games the FDA permits. Tobacco has expanded roughly threefold to fourfold, almost entirely from emerging-market growth and price increases in developed markets that absorb excise taxes. The pharmaceutical industry has overtaken tobacco as the larger predatory pathological industry, but which is more obviously lethal per dollar of revenue is not clear.

The industry is concentrated. The largest players are Philip Morris International (roughly $35 billion in 2024 revenue), Altria (the spun-off US arm of the former Philip Morris USA), British American Tobacco (roughly $35 billion), Japan Tobacco, Imperial Brands, and the state-owned China National Tobacco Corporation, which is by far the largest cigarette producer on earth but whose revenue is harder to compare because it operates as a Chinese state monopoly. The Western multinational tobacco companies have spent the past decade aggressively diversifying into electronic cigarettes, heated-tobacco products (Philip Morris’s IQOS being the most prominent), and nicotine pouches (Altria and Philip Morris both have major positions), in anticipation of the long-term decline of the combustible cigarette in their developed-market home territories.

Nicotine patches, Parkinson’s disease, and the Ardis claim

The chiropractor Bryan Ardis has been promoting nicotine patches as a treatment for Parkinson’s disease and a long list of other conditions, including Alzheimer’s disease, ulcerative colitis, multiple sclerosis, and autism. The claims have circulated widely on alternative-health podcasts and social media. The clinical evidence supporting the claims is thin, in places nonexistent, and in the case of Parkinson’s the literature now contains a substantial body of evidence pointing the other way.

The starting point is a well-established epidemiological observation. People who smoke cigarettes have a substantially lower rate of developing Parkinson’s disease than non-smokers. The inverse association has been replicated in dozens of studies across decades. The size of the effect is roughly a 40 to 50 percent reduction in Parkinson’s incidence among long-term smokers compared to never-smokers. The association is robust enough that researchers in the field treat it as real rather than a statistical artifact.

The two principal hypotheses are that something in tobacco (most plausibly nicotine, although the candidate list also includes other components of the smoke) is neuroprotective and prevents the loss of dopaminergic neurons in the substantia nigra, or that the personality traits that predispose to Parkinson’s disease (a constellation that includes risk aversion, reduced novelty-seeking, and reduced impulsivity) also reduce the probability of taking up smoking, with the smoking-Parkinson’s association being a confounded artifact of the personality association. The two hypotheses have different implications for treatment. If nicotine itself is neuroprotective, then giving nicotine to a person who has Parkinson’s should help. If the association is confounded by personality, then giving nicotine should not help.

The neuroprotection hypothesis was supported by animal models. Rodent and non-human primate models of Parkinson’s (typically chemically-induced dopaminergic damage with MPTP or 6-hydroxydopamine) showed that nicotine pretreatment reduced the severity of the resulting movement disorder. The mechanism is presumed to involve nicotinic acetylcholine receptors on dopaminergic neurons, with some downstream effect on neuronal survival or function. The preclinical data were sufficient to motivate human trials.

The largest human trial to date is NIC-PD, a multicenter, randomized, double-blind, placebo-controlled study conducted across 24 sites in the United States and Germany. The trial enrolled 163 patients with early Parkinson’s disease who were not yet taking dopamine-replacement medications. Half received transdermal nicotine patches titrated up to 28 milligrams per day, the highest dose generally tolerated. The other half received placebo patches. Both groups were followed for 52 weeks of treatment plus an 8-week washout. The primary endpoint was the change in the Unified Parkinson’s Disease Rating Scale, the standard clinical measure. The results, published in 2024, found no benefit of nicotine over placebo on either the primary or the secondary endpoints. The nicotine group progressed slightly faster than the placebo group, although the difference was within the noise. The investigators concluded that transdermal nicotine does not slow Parkinson’s progression.

A 2024 meta-analysis pooled the results of NIC-PD with four smaller earlier trials. The pooled estimate across 346 patients showed no significant short-term or long-term effect of nicotine on motor symptoms or activities of daily living. The clinical literature is now reasonably clear: nicotine, given as a patch to a patient with established Parkinson’s, does not produce the disease-modifying or symptom-improving effect the epidemiology had suggested it might.

What Ardis claims in his media appearances goes beyond the literature. He has presented a single anecdote of a Parkinson’s patient whose symptoms reportedly disappeared after seven days of patch use, with the implication that the patches cure the disease. He has extended the claim to Alzheimer’s, multiple sclerosis, ulcerative colitis, and autism, each of which has its own literature that I will note briefly. None of the claims is supported by the standard of evidence required to recommend the patches as a treatment.

On Alzheimer’s disease, there is literature suggesting that nicotinic acetylcholine receptor agonists may have cognitive benefits in mild cognitive impairment and early Alzheimer’s. The MIND study and some smaller trials of nicotine patches have shown modest cognitive improvements that have not translated into clinically meaningful disease modification. The benefit, if it exists, is much smaller than the marketing suggests. On multiple sclerosis, there is no clinical trial evidence supporting nicotine as a treatment. On ulcerative colitis, the literature is somewhat more supportive: transdermal nicotine has been studied as an adjunct to standard therapy and has shown modest benefit in some trials, although it has not displaced the standard treatments, and the side-effect profile (cardiovascular, nausea, dependence) limits its utility. On autism, there is no credible evidence supporting nicotine as a treatment, and recommending nicotine to children would be flatly contraindicated by the addictive and cardiovascular effects of the molecule.

Do people become dependent on nicotine patches? Yes, although less readily than on cigarettes, because the slow, steady delivery does not produce the pulsatile dopamine signal that drives cigarette addiction. The clinical literature on patch dependence describes a minority of users (roughly 10 to 20 percent of those using patches for cessation) who continue using them beyond the recommended duration. Some of those users return to smoking when they stop the patches. Whether the patches were developed by the tobacco industry is more nuanced: the original transdermal nicotine patch was developed in the 1980s by academic researchers at UCLA and licensed to pharmaceutical companies (initially Marion Merrell Dow and Ciba-Geigy), not by the tobacco industry directly, although the major tobacco companies have since acquired nicotine-replacement and pouch businesses as part of their diversification. The patches do not require a prescription in the United States and are available over the counter at standard pharmacy prices.

Nicotine is the addictive driver and a serious cardiovascular toxin, but the carcinogen burden that is responsible for killing the most cigarette smokers lies almost entirely outside the nicotine fraction. The tar, the combustion products, and the polonium-210 are the cancer drivers. A tobacco researcher once told me that nicotine was the worst chemical in tobacco was either using “worst” in the sense of “most responsible for the cigarette’s addictive grip” (in which case the claim is correct) or in the sense of “most responsible for the disease” (in which case the claim is incorrect). The cigarette would not be the deadly product it is without nicotine, because no one would smoke fifteen cigarettes a day in the absence of the dependence, but the deaths themselves are caused mostly by what comes along for the ride.

Depopulation by design

The promotion of tobacco use over the past century was part of a larger pattern of globalist influence aimed at increasing population mortality. The major tobacco companies operated for forty years as a coordinated cartel that suppressed knowledge of their product’s lethality. The cartel was organized through trade associations (the Tobacco Industry Research Committee, later the Council for Tobacco Research, and the Tobacco Institute), it operated across national borders, it influenced regulatory agencies through revolving-door employment, lobbying, and litigation, and it captured a significant fraction of the academic biomedical research apparatus through funded scientific programs designed to produce noise on the question of causation. The internal documents released through the Master Settlement Agreement establish each of these claims as a matter of public record.

It is also documented that the tobacco industry, once driven out of the developed-world advertising space by litigation and regulation, aggressively migrated to the developing world. The targeting of women, of children, and of low-income populations in Asia, Africa, and Latin America has been the explicit corporate strategy of the multinational tobacco companies for the past three decades. The same brands that cannot be advertised on American television are billboarded across Lagos and Karachi. The same companies that paid $206 billion to settle US state attorney-general lawsuits are operating without comparable accountability in jurisdictions where the legal infrastructure is lacking.

If you don’t understand that this is a deliberate depopulation strategy organized by a coordinated globalist apparatus, you didn’t bother to read the confessions and evidence in the two links in the first section.

The pattern is seen in the tobacco industry, the sugar industry, the ultra-processed-food industry, the opioid industry, the vaccine-injury concealment apparatus, and the captured pharmaceutical regulatory complex. They all share a recognizable structure: a profitable industry, a coordinated denial of harm, a captured regulatory body, a compliant media, and a death toll borne disproportionately by populations with less political power.

What comes next

Eight million people will die from tobacco use in the next twelve months. The great majority will be in countries whose names are unfamiliar to the American reader, and whose populations have not had access to the public-health infrastructure that drove smoking out of the American middle class. The American cigarette story is winding down. The global cigarette story is not.

The pattern of the cigarette century is: a profitable industry sells a slow-acting poison. The harm becomes scientifically visible. The industry suppresses the science, captures the regulators, buys the media, and continues operating for as long as the suppression holds. Eventually, the suppression breaks, litigation forces accountability, advertising restrictions take effect, and the industry migrates to less-regulated markets. Forty thousand to half a million deaths per year, depending on the industry, are the cost of the latency between the science being clear and the regulation catching up. The reader who has watched this play out with tobacco, with opioids, with COVID jabs, with sugar, with ultra-processed foods, and with the captured cancer industry has seen the pattern enough times to recognize the next one when it arrives. The reader’s job is to recognize it earlier than his parents and grandparents recognized the cigarette.

Comment:

My stressed-out state of mind and my willingness to casually risk my health by smoking seem inexplicable to me now. Life seemed to spread out before me back then, in an infinite, never-ending tapestry. I was encouraged to try cigarettes on a climbing trip by my supposed amigo Herb Laeger. He was an old friend, and I was the young friend. But I have no one to blame for any of this but myself.

I was quickly addicted, at least at the low level that I describe above. I don’t seem to have suffered any adverse consequences from my decade-long bad habit, but that is what someone says when he jumps off the 47th floor on his way past the 35th.

This saying was my father’s, and he finally hit the ground when he died of ALS in his late 70s. We both were fond of telling jokes, then laughing at them ourselves. This seems innocent to me, but it is an ongoing source of annoyance for my wife.

Editing credit: Jim Arnold of Liars World Substack

Selected references

World Health Organization: Tobacco fact sheet. The principal current global summary of tobacco mortality, prevalence, and regional patterns.

CDC: Current Cigarette Smoking Among Adults in the United States. The US national survey data on adult smoking prevalence, the historical decline curve, and demographic breakdowns.

UCSF Academic Senate: Tobacco CEOs’ statements to Congress, April 14, 1994. Transcript of the seven tobacco executives swearing under oath that nicotine is not addictive.

National Association of Attorneys General: The Tobacco Master Settlement Agreement. The settlement document itself and the regulatory restrictions it imposed.

UCLA Health: Big Tobacco knew radioactive particles in cigarettes posed cancer risk. The Karagueuzian analysis of internal industry documents on polonium-210.

NEJM Evidence: Transdermal Nicotine Treatment and Progression of Early Parkinson’s Disease (NIC-PD). The largest randomized trial of nicotine patches in early Parkinson’s disease, showing no benefit.

Science Feedback: No evidence for Bryan Ardis’ claim that nicotine cures Parkinson’s and other diseases. The fact-check of the specific claims circulating in alternative-health media.

Our World in Data: Smoking. The aggregate global statistics on smoking prevalence and mortality, drawn from the Global Burden of Disease study and the WHO data.

JNCI Cancer Spectrum: Exclusive Cigarette, Cigar, Pipe, and Smokeless Tobacco Use With Overall and Cause-Specific Mortality in the United States. The contemporary US mortality data comparing the different tobacco products.

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Parting shot

Unbekoming is a source of inspiration to me now. Here is the entry to his world.